Literature Review
The impact of Eurosceptic parties in the European Parliament on the Integrity of the European Union: A Comparative Analysis of Western and East European States (France and Germany, Poland and Hungary).
Introduce the topic and the context within which it is found. Examine past research in the area highlighting methodological and/or theoretical developments, areas of agreement, contentious areas, important studies and so forth. Keep the focus on the area of interest and identify gaps in your research that your research/investigation will attempt to fill. State clearly how your work builds on or responds to earlier work. Finally, summarize what has emerged from the review of literature and reiterate conclusions.
Organise the literature review using a thematic approach. Explore each theme by applying it to the concept of eurosceptism.
- Religion
- European Identity
- Economy
- Politics
Look at different sources on each countries’ political parties and highlight any Eurosceptic sentiments they might have and how it links to each theme.
Political Parties and Eurosceptic Nexus
The roots of ‘Eurosceptic’ began in the mid-1980s in the United Kingdom; it denotes the opposition to the powers invested in the European Union. More recently, Leruth et al. due to the Eurozone crisis, Euroscepticism increasingly became ’embedded’ in European countries; hence, placing elites in Europe under pressure (111). As a result of the economic crisis, Euroscepticism has become mainstream; it has gained legitimacy and is salient across entire Europe. Evidence suggests a growing public opinion that is hostile to the European Union (Dutceac Segesten and Michael 1064). Moreover, studies report increasing support for parties that are opposed to enhancing European integration (Dutceac Segesten and Michael 1060). Over the past years, political parties in France, Hungary, and Poland that show dissent to the European Union have contributed the rise in Eurocentric rhetoric among pro-European Union mainstream parties. Similarly, Misiuna report the differing political parties’ positions on the European Union has led to mushrooming of Eurosceptic civil society groups, including the changing media discourse that shape public opinion (94). Political parties in France have also rejected concerted calls for elaborate European integration. For instance, the Front National has adopted a ‘hard’ Eurosceptic position; confirming the growing mistrust towards the European Union and the European Parliament. Across Europe, the role of the European Union has become remote, as well as incomprehensible for a large number of citizens (Ivaldi 289).
According to Likaj, Lena and Laura, in France, due to increased voter discontent as far as the ruling parties are concerned and the decline in the European Union support, the French Front National party has developed a programmatic appeal entailing economically left-wing protectionist’s policies with anti- European Union positions (67). The French Front National exemplifies the ‘hard’ Eurosceptic party; it rejected European integration and even called for the withdrawal of France from the European Union. Similarly, Ivaldi observes the French Front National opposes the populist radical right and challenges the fundamental universalistic and liberal values of the EU (286). Similarly, in Eastern European countries, the European Union continues to be viewed with some degree of contempt (. The economic crisis caused a significant realignment of parties in Hungary and Poland, such as the slowdown of reform processes and political crises. The arguments are supported by Csehi and Edit that some of the far-right and populist parties weakened significantly in Hungary and Poland as Eurosceptical parties grew in popularity (10). The populist, as well as radical anti-EU parties, received greater public support due to the stringent consolidation measures (Ocheretyanyy 34). The party Civic Platform, which is a far-right party advocate for ‘hard’ Eurosceptic and increased internal reforms to realise better development.
Distinction between Western Europe and Eastern Europe Political Parties
Political parties in western democracies, such as France have changed tremendously over time (Misiuna 93). In this study, France is of great importance since the resistance movement leading to the establishment of some political parties passed peacefully and gradually into liberation without occupation. Similarly, Akkerman, Sarah de Lange, and Matthijs report that in France, the links between these parties and the society have eroded, and have increasingly become dependent on the state, for legitimacy and resources (56). Political parties in France considerably rely on the state for crucial resources needed for their survival. The financing of political parties by the public, that is the most used indicator in investigating state-party linkage. According to Misiuna, in Western Europe, public funding is a recent phenomenon that was first practised in Germany in 1959 (96). From Germany, the practice spread gradually to other Western Europe democracies. However, evidence suggests that state-based subsidies for parties underline strong interdependence between the state and parties (Misiuna 97; Nassmacher 252). In other words, the state constitutes an important turning point in the political party development and the practices of party financing. The argument is supported by Nassmacher that in France, the links between society and political parties are based on several social cleavages existing in individual countries (258). For example, in France, social cleavages include gender, religion, class, and race are deemed crucial, although their prominence vary.
On the other hand, political parties in Eastern Europe are characterised by a relationship with the state. Evidence reveals that the trend of political party development Eastern Europe widely conforms to trends observed in other jurisdictions globally (Engler 291). Political parties in Eastern European countries have a relatively weak position in society. Similarly, Deegan-Krause and Tim argue that the state-party link is an important area for researchers seeking to understand the dynamics of party development and public engagements (477). The weak social linkages or roots of modern Eastern European countries, including Hungary and Poland determine how the public and the state in general perceive and collaborate with them. Engler, Bartek, and Kevin note that in Poland and Hungary in particular, parties are characterised by lower levels of popular parties’ identification, low levels of membership to parties, increased electoral volatility, and weak associations between society and parties, as well as collateral organisations (1329). In Eastern European countries, including Hungary and Poland, high levels of socio-economic development and legacies of the extensive and forced mobilisation have created an individualised social structure where citizens do not always identify themselves with party ideologies and partisan symbols (Olejnik 188; Engler, Bartek, and Kevin 1334). In Hungary and Poland, Cianetti, James, and Seán contend that there are higher levels of socio-economic development and legacies of extensive mobilisation and forced have resulted in an individualised social structure where citizens do not always identify with party ideologies and party symbols (249). Moreover, the link between political parties and the traditional cleavages in terms of strong social divisions, extended organisational networks, and persuasive collective identities have virtually disappeared (Cianetti, James, and Seán 242). Studies have shown significant variances existing among parties in the political systems regarding restrictiveness of state-based subventions. In Hungary, for example, extra-parliamentary parties are considerably disadvantaged compared to those parties represented in parliament (Engler, Bartek, and Kevin 1331; Toplišek 393). Furthermore, differences in party structures relate to the organisational origin and material endowment. As reported by Olejnik, Polish and Hungarian political parties receive considerable material advantages, which are not related to state funding than the new (for instance, Post-Solidarity) parties (191).
This is quite good. However, you need to pull out of these texts more of how you are going to build your argument. I am not clear what your argument is. Furthermore, you need to explain the relationship between the two sections. The question is. What are you trying to say?
